Of the three small right-wing parties that entered parliament in the last elections, the Spartans party is the most notable in that it includes former Golden Dawn members and received more votes than the others. As a result of the ban on the National Party-Hellenes, led by former Golden Dawn MP Ilias Kasidiaris, its candidates participated in the June 25 elections from the lists of an unnamed nationalist party called “Spartans.” In this way, the far right of the Golden Dawn line re-entered parliament after a four-year absence. Kasidiaris, who is still in prison, has signaled that he will lead a fierce opposition in parliament after the elections. However, given the recent sensitivity of the judiciary to far-right activities, the party may face judicial investigations if it pushes the boundaries of legitimate politics.
The other two right-wing parties in parliament, Greek Solution (EL) and Victory, have so far not shown any aggressive behavior, but have very strong nationalist conservative views. Since the 2019 parliamentary elections, EL’s leader Kyriakos Velopoulos has previously called for the death penalty for serious crimes and the laying of mines on the border to counter threats from Turkey and the influx of migrants. The Victory party, founded in 2019 under the leadership of religious studies teacher Dimitris Natsios, entered the parliament for the first time with a surprise vote thanks to the support it received especially from the church and monastic circles. Defining his party in terms of Greek Orthodoxy, chairman Natsios states that they aim to achieve unity in the country through the reconstruction of religious consciousness.
The right-wing parties advocate common themes such as anti-immigration, anti-vaccination, protection of national identity, and family structure. Paying special attention to disputes with neighboring countries, these parties oppose the Prespa Agreement resolving the Macedonian name dispute and demand rights for the Greek minority in southern Albania. Regarding the Aegean, Eastern Mediterranean, and Cyprus, they argue that Greece should not back down from national stances and work for international sanctions against Turkey. They also agree that Turkish identity in Western Thrace should never be tolerated, and they argue that relations with the Western world should be determined according to national interests and that Greece should cooperate with countries outside the Euro-Atlantic alliance when necessary.
Although it is inevitable that right-wing parties will spark various debates over these and similar views in the coming period, their influence on political decisions and practices is expected to remain limited as they are not strong enough to set the agenda. Especially in the current economic and geopolitical conditions, it is unlikely that the ND government will deviate from the Euro-Atlantic line.
Moreover, given the EU’s increased emphasis on enlargement in the aftermath of the Russia-Ukraine war, it is unlikely that Greece will take any action that would hinder the membership perspectives of North Macedonia and Albania.
Nevertheless, the fact that left-wing parties are weaker than in the past and are competing among themselves can be considered a handicap in terms of balancing far-right tendencies. Demands from the far right on issues directly related to national identity and interests, such as anti-immigration, minority rights, and relations with Turkey, could put pressure on the government.