Greece appeared in the news in Israel over the last several weeks, as Israelis on a cruise ship were denied entry because of anti-Israel protesters, and as pro-Palestine rallies in several cities in Greece made headlines. But that belies a larger, positive trend of the past few years.
Greece was historically one of the most hostile European countries to Israel. While it granted de facto recognition in 1949, Athens aligned itself with Arab states in the 1950s and up through the 80s, with Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou (1981–89) openly backing the PLO. Greece was the last European bloc country to establish full diplomatic ties with Israel, doing so only in 1990 under Konstantinos Mitsotakis, father of the current prime minister.
Even then, relations remained frosty, shaped by Greece’s ties to Israel’s enemies and by Israel’s close relationship with Turkey, Greece’s nemesis.
That chill ended suddenly after the 2010 Mavi Marmara incident, which ruptured Israeli-Turkish ties. Israel sought new regional partners, and Greece saw an opportunity to improve its standing with the US while countering Turkey. In quick succession, George Papandreou visited Israel in July 2010 – the first Greek premier to do so in two decades – and Benjamin Netanyahu visited Greece a month later, the first Israeli prime minister ever to make the trip.
For years, though, this partnership was rooted less in friendship than in shared hostility toward Erdogan’s Turkey. Greek politics reflected that distance. The openly neo-Nazi Golden Dawn rose to become the third-largest party, while the ruling SYRIZA coalition was hardly friendlier. Public opinion was no better: a 2020 Anti-Defamation League survey found Greece to be the most antisemitic country in Europe, with 69% of the population holding such views.
The relationship began to change under Kyriakos Mitsotakis and his center-right Nea Demokratia party. The turning point came after the Hamas atrocities of October 7, 2023.
Greece was among the first countries to fly the Israeli flag on government buildings. The flag lit up the parliament in Athens, and Mitsotakis quickly traveled to Israel, the first foreign leader to meet with hostage families, coming “not just as an ally, but as a true friend,” he said. Greece’s former president soon followed suit, inviting hostage families to the presidential palace.
That support has not wavered. In March 2025, when the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants against Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant, Mitsotakis again flew to Israel, standing beside Netanyahu in a joint press conference and signaling that Greece would not enforce the warrants. He also refused to join France’s push to recognize Palestinian statehood. Symbolic gestures followed, such as Greek Independence Day celebrations held at Kibbutz Be’eri, site of one of October 7’s worst massacres.
The alliance has also grown militarily. On the eve of Israel’s 12-day war with Iran, its civilian aircraft were transferred to Greek airports – a sign of the trust built between the two countries.
Not without strain
This transformation has reshaped Greek politics. Once, the far right trafficked openly in antisemitism, with parties like LAOS and Golden Dawn inciting hostility against Jews and Israel. Today, those voices have been sidelined. Politicians such as Aphrodite Latinopoulou and Health Minister Adonis Georgiadis proudly brand themselves as Israel enthusiasts, while the Greek left, still hostile to Israel, has fragmented and lost power.
But the alliance is not without strain. The Gaza war sparked fierce protests by far-left groups. The Holocaust memorial in Larissa was defaced; cemeteries in Volos and Thessaloniki were vandalized. In July, a ship carrying Israeli tourists was blocked from docking at Syros by protesters accusing passengers of being soldiers. Threats of violence forced authorities to intervene, shocking the Greek government.
Athens’ response was immediate. Government spokesman Pavlos Marinakis condemned the incident as “horrifying” and vowed it would not be repeated. Health Minister Georgiadis apologized to Israel from the parliament podium, calling the blockade “a direct insult to Greece.” Riot police soon foiled other attempts to block Israeli ships.
In Rhodes, not only did police escort Israeli tourists ashore, the mayor personally welcomed them. Local business owners even staged counter-protests affirming that Israelis were welcome.
These gestures showed that support for Israel certainly extends beyond the political elite. Yet the relationship remains tested by the realities of war. As Mitsotakis has admitted, even friends must sometimes speak “hard truths.” The humanitarian disaster in Gaza weighs heavily on Greek public opinion, and the longer the conflict drags on, the harder it will be for even close allies to avoid criticism.
Still, the shift is undeniable. Greece, once one of Israel’s fiercest European critics, has become one of its closest allies worldwide. What began as a tactical alignment after the collapse of Israeli-Turkish ties has matured into genuine friendship. And like all alliances, it must constantly be balanced against pressures at home and abroad.
Neil Bar is an expert on radical ideologies and political extremism. He is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the University of Haifa’s School of Political Science and the Elizabeth & Tony Comper Interdisciplinary Center for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism and Racism. He is also Affiliated Faculty at the Center for Right-Wing Studies at UC Berkeley.